After countless students across Bangladesh, including Abu Sayeed, sacrificed their lives, it was neither logical nor ethical to limit the movement to just quota reform. We consulted with Sadiq Qayem and many others to determine the subsequent strategies for the movement. As part of this, we prepared nine strategic demands. The language of these demands was crafted such that it would be nearly impossible for the government to accept them; even if accepted, it would dismantle the fascist framework of the government.
Before the digital crackdown began, we anticipated that the network would soon be shut down. Thus, we sent the demands to individuals like Asif and Nahid for review and discussion. However, once contact with them was lost due to the online and offline communication breakdown, we had to coordinate the movement through other coordinators.
When drafting the demands, the first point emphasized was: "Sheikh Hasina must retract her statement, take responsibility for the student killings, and resign." However, after consulting with some former leaders and central administrators, they advised that calling for the government's fall at this point could make the platform controversial. Additionally, it could lead to unbearable pressure, oppression, and persecution of all leaders, including those issuing press releases. Discussions with coordinator Abdul Qadir over the phone further refined the demands.
We strategically rephrased the demand to: "Sheikh Hasina must publicly apologize to the nation for the student killings." This phrasing was designed to make it difficult for the government to ignore while questioning its moral and constitutional authority.
Regarding student politics, we proposed two alternatives: banning student politics of the Bangladesh Chhatra League or outlawing subservient, opportunistic student politics entirely. The demand to abolish subservient student politics was included with the safety of courageous students in mind, particularly those who had driven the Chhatra League out of the halls and campuses during the movement. At that point, it wasn’t possible to consolidate the movement into a single demand. However, the demand ensured the safety of students until the eradication of fascism. Now, with the fall of fascism, there is both a resolution to that crisis and an opportunity for a paradigm shift in the entire system of student politics.
Back to the core of the matter: on July 19, after finalizing the nine demands, Abdul Qadir was informed over the phone, and he immediately agreed. However, he shared his views on certain points, which were discussed further to finalize the demands. Abdul Qadir was advised to acquire a new number to allow journalists to verify the nine demands. Following this, journalists confirmed the demands.
From the first day of the movement (June 5), we had consistent communication and collaboration with Nahid Islam and Mahfuz Alam. Our initial strategy was to avoid conflict and gradually escalate to tougher programs. Every program was coordinated with Mahfuz Alam, and the collaboration continued regularly with Akhtar Hossain and Mahfuz Alam.
As part of the regular program schedule, on July 13, Mahfuz Alam suggested submitting a memorandum to the President the next day. The plan was to make this the final soft program before moving towards tougher programs. After discussions with others, the memorandum draft was finalized on the night of July 13, shared with the 64 districts via a drive link, and submitted to the President on July 14.
That evening, after Sheikh Hasina referred to the protesters as "descendants of collaborators," there was widespread criticism. Nahid Islam called at 7 PM, asking, "What should be done?" The suggestion was to announce a protest rally at Raju Memorial Sculpture at 11 PM through a different spokesperson to minimize potential risks.
On July 15, after the Chhatra League’s attacks, students became somewhat intimidated. To boost their morale, the organizational manpower of city branches acted as a shield for the university students. Eventually, by the night of July 16, unarmed students spontaneously mobilized against armed Chhatra League members, reclaiming a terror-free campus by July 17.
On the evening of July 16, the plan for the symbolic "Coffin March" and "Absentia Prayers" was proposed. With cooperation from Shahbagh Police Station Jamaat-e-Islami, seven coffins representing seven martyrs were symbolically arranged and brought to the campus. The protest march began amidst police attacks.
Programs like graffiti, wall writing, and online campaigns played significant roles in sustaining the movement. On July 29, the program "Remembering Our Heroes" and "March for Justice" gained significant attention and participation, inspiring us to move towards street protests. The iconic single demand for the government’s resignation was announced at the Shaheed Minar. With confusion created about the final stages of the program, it culminated in the movement reaching the Prime Minister’s Office.
The success of the movement and the transformation of the nine demands into the ultimate single demand are credited to all those who sacrificed, fought courageously, and participated. May Bangladesh never witness fascism again, and may no mother lose her child to bullets ever again.
Writer: President, Islami Chhatra Shibir, University of Dhaka
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